TheShiningLight

Preparing the Way of the Lord

Coming Soon: A New Federal Europe

Despite public statements by EU leaders about keeping the EU together, there is a strong effort underway to build a CORE Federal Europe outside of those countries resistant to further moves towards closer unity, in order to facilitate a final big push for a united Federal Europe centered on Germany and France.

 

Behind the scenes: The French, German plan for a New Core EU around which other like minded nations can gather.   

This document lays out the French German concept of a New Federal Europe.  Germany and France have been working on this aided by the Catholic controlled “Christian” parties in Europe and strong help from the Vatican Secretary of State.

Ultimately those countries not willing to give up any more sovereignty will not approve the new deal bringing a final crisis in the EU, and a miracle working pope will intervene using his influence to bring ten nations into the system.  I caution that as time passes there may be some changes in the details but the big goal is a united Federal Europe.

 

A Strong Europe in a World of Uncertainties
by Jean-Marc Ayrault and Frank-Walter Steinmeier

The decision of the British people marks a watershed moment in the history of Eu- rope. The European Union is losing not only a member state, but a host of history, tradition and experience, with which we shared our journey throughout the past dec- ades. France and Germany therefore take note of this decision with regret. This cre- ates a new situation and will entail consequences both for the United Kingdom and for the EU. The Treaty of Lisbon sets out the procedures for the orderly departure of a Member State (article 50). Once the British Government has activated these pro- cedures, we will stand ready to assist the institutions in the negotiations clarifying the future relationship between the EU and the UK.

The British case is unique. But we must also acknowledge that support and passion for our common project has faded over the last decade in parts of our societies. Nei- ther a simple call for more Europe nor a phase of mere reflection can be an adequate answer. To prevent the silent creeping erosion of our European project we have to be more focused on essentials and on meeting the concrete expectations of our citizens. We are convinced that it is not the existence of the Union that they object to but the way it functions. Our task is twofold: we have to strictly focus our joints efforts on those challenges that can only be addressed by common European answers, while leaving others to national or regional decision making and variation. And we must deliver better on
those issues we have chosen to focus on.

France and Germany remain most firmly of the belief that the European Union pro- vides a unique and indispensable framework for the pursuit of freedom, prosperity and security in Europe, for shaping peaceful and mutually beneficial relationships amongst its people and for contributing to peace and stability in the world. Our two countries share a common destiny and a common set of values that provide the foundation for an ever closer union between our peoples. We will therefore move further towards political union in Europe and invite the other Europeans to join us in this endeavour.

France and Germany recognise their responsibility to reinforce solidarity and cohe- sion within the European Union. To that end, we need to recognise that member states differ in their levels of ambition member state when it comes to the project of European integration. While not stepping back from what we have achieved, we have to find better ways of dealing with different levels of ambition so as to ensure that Eu- rope delivers better on the expectations of all European
citizens.

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We believe the EU can and needs to develop common answers to today’s challenges abroad and at home. In a context of rising global challenges and opportunities, we see the European Union as more necessary than ever and as the only framework capable of providing appropriate collective answers to the changing international en- vironment. France and Germany will therefore promote a more coherent and a more assertive Europe on the world stage. To deliver better, Europe must focus on today’s main challenges – ensure the security of our citizens confronted with growing external and internal threats; establish a stable cooperative framework for dealing with migration and refugee flows; boost the European economy by promoting convergence and sustainable and job-creating growth and advancing towards the completion of the Economic and Monetary Union.

We are seeing the European Union being severely put to the test. It is challenged by
a series of crises in its southern and eastern environment. It is recovering slowly on
the path of economic growth. Looking back at the history of the European edifice, we
strongly believe in the strength of the EU and its ability to overcome these situations.
But something is new in these critical times, namely the perception that these crises
jeopardise the very fabric of our societies, our values, our way of life. We see terrorists
attempting to spread fear and division in our societies. We have to face increasingly
interwoven internal and external challenges. We see the need to preserve the
combination of growth, competitiveness and social cohesion which lies at the heart of
our European model, while preserving our common values both internally and vis-àvis
the outside world.

We know there are no quick solutions to these very demanding problems. But we are
determined to address them, working to deal with current challenges while remaining
focused on important long-term issues. In this spirit, we have agreed on the following
proposals.
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A European Security Compact
The EU has to face a deteriorating security environment and an unprecedented level
of threat. External crises have become more numerous, closer to Europe – both east
and south of its borders – and more likely to have immediate consequences for European
territory and the security of EU citizens. Power politics are back on the world
stage and conflict is being imported into our continent. The terrorist threat is growing,
feeding on complex networks in and outside Europe and stemming from crisis zones
and unstable, war-torn regions all over the world. Europe’s role as a credible force for
peace is more important than ever.

The security of EU member states is deeply interconnected, as these threats now
affect the continent as a whole: any threat to one member state is also a threat to
others. We therefore regard our security as one and indivisible. We consider the European
Union and the European security order to be part of our core interests and
will safeguard them in any circumstances.

In this context, France and Germany recommit to a shared vision of Europe as a security
union, based on solidarity and mutual assistance between member states in
support of common security and defence policy. Providing security for Europe as well
as contributing to peace and stability globally is at the heart of the European project.

We see the EU as a key power in its neighbourhood but also as an actor for peace
and stability with global reach. An actor able to make a decisive contribution to tackling
global challenges and to support a rules-based international order underpinned
by strategic stability, based on a peaceful balance of interests. We have considerable
achievements that deserve recognition and can provide inspiration. The historic
agreement on Iran’s nuclear programme was only possible because of the EU’s determined
and persistent commitment. European engagement in the Minsk process
has helped to contain a military confrontation in eastern Ukraine that could have easily
spiralled out of control. Our diplomatic efforts have paved the way for a political
settlement to the conflict which we will continue to pursue. In Libya, we support the
emerging government of national accord endeavouring to address the risks posed by
state fragility and instability in the Southern Mediterranean. Beyond the crises, we
are convinced that Africa needs also a continuous commitment, being a continent of
great challenges and opportunities.

One of the main features of today’s security environment is the interdependence between
internal and external security, since the most dangerous and destabilising
risks emanate from the interaction between external threats and internal weaknesses.
To respond to this challenge, Germany and France propose a European Security
Compact which encompasses all aspects of security and defence dealt with at the
European level and thus delivers on the EU’s promise to strengthen security for its
citizens.

A first step is to share a common analysis of our strategic environment and common
understanding of our interests. France and Germany propose that the EU conduct
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regular reviews of its strategic environment, to be submitted and discussed at the
Foreign Affairs Council and at the European Council. These reviews will be supported
by an independent situation assessment capability, based on the EU intelligence
and situation centre and expertise from outside European institutions, with production
of strategic and intelligence analysis approved at European level.

– On the basis of this common understanding, the European Union should establish
agreed strategic priorities for its foreign and security policy, in accordance
with European interests.

– The European Union Global Strategy is a first step in that direction. But we need
to push further: on a more contested and competitive international scene, France
and Germany will promote the EU as an independent and global actor able to
leverage its unique array of expertise and tools, civilian and military, in order to
defend and promote the interests of its citizens. France and Germany will promote
integrated EU foreign and security policy bringing together all EU policy instruments.

– The EU will need to take action more often in order to manage crises that directly
affect its own security. We therefore need stronger and more flexible crisis prevention
and crisis management capabilities. The EU should be able to plan and
conduct civil and military operations more effectively, with the support of a permanent
civil-military chain of command. The EU should be able to rely on employable
high-readiness forces and provide common financing for its operations.
Within the framework of the EU, member states willing to establish permanent
structured cooperation in the field of defence or to push ahead to launch operations
should be able to do so in a flexible manner. If needed, EU member states
should consider establishing standing maritime forces or acquiring EU-owned
capabilities in other key areas.

– In order to live up to the growing security challenges, Europeans need to step up
their defence efforts. European member states should reaffirm and abide by the
commitments made collectively on defence budgets and the portion of spending
dedicated to the procurement of equipment and to research and technology
(R&T). Within the EU, France and Germany propose the establishment of a European
semester on defence capabilities. Through this process, the EU will support
efforts by member states by ensuring the coherence of defence and capability-
building processes and encourage member states to discuss the priorities of
their respective military spending plans. The establishment of a European defence
research programme will support an innovative European industry.

– The European Union must invest more in preventing conflict, in promoting human
security and in stabilising its neighbourhood and regions affected by crisis all
over the world. The EU should help its partners and neighbours develop their capacity
and governance structures, to strengthen their crisis resilience and their
ability to prevent and control emerging crisis as well as terrorist threats. France
and Germany will conduct joint initiatives in stabilisation, development and re5
construction in Syria and Iraq when the situation allows. Together, France and
Germany will strengthen their civilian crisis management tools and reaffirm their
commitment to support and sustain political processes of conflict resolution.

– In order to ensure our internal security, the immediate challenges are primarily
operational. The objectives are to implement and monitor EU decisions and
make the best use of existing frameworks: PNR; Europol and its counterterrorism
centre; the fight against terrorist financing; and EU action plans against trafficking
of weapons and explosives. A special emphasis should be put on strengthening
transport safety. We want also to increase our dialogue and cooperation with
third countries in North Africa, the Sahel strip, the Lake Chad Basin, West Africa,
the horn of Africa and the Middle East, as well as regional and sub-regional organisations
(African Union, G5).

– In order to address the root causes of terrorism, France and Germany will develop
a European platform to share experience and best practice in preventing and
counteracting radicalisation.

– In the medium term, we should work towards a more integrated approach for EU
internal security, based on the following measures: creation of a European platform
for intelligence cooperation, fully respecting national prerogatives and using
the current frameworks (e.g. CTG); improvement of data exchange; European
contingency planning for major crisis scenarios affecting several member states;
creation of a European response capability; establishment of a European civil
protection corps.

– In the longer term, it would make sense to enlarge the scope of the European
public prosecutor’s office in future (currently limited to prosecuting offenses concerning
the EU’s financial interests) to include fighting terrorism and organised
crime. This would require harmonisation of criminal law among the member
states.

In order to drive this effort, France and Germany propose that the European Council
should meet once a year as a European Security Council, in order to address internal
and external security and defence issues facing the EU. This European Security
Council should be prepared by a meeting of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Interior
Ministers.

Common European asylum and migration policy
Large-scale migration towards Europe will be the key challenge for Europe’s future.

There shall be no unilateral national answers to the migration challenge, which is a
truly European challenge of the 21th century. Our citizens expect that we firmly regain
control on our external borders while preserving our European values. We have to
act jointly to live up to this expectation. Germany and France are convinced that it is
high time to work towards establishing truly integrated European asylum, refugee and
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migration policy. Given the urgency of the matter, we should not rule out the possibility
of a group of member states that share a sense of common responsibility making
progress on common policies.

– Securing our external border is no longer exclusively a national task but also a
common responsibility. We are determined that the EU should establish the
world’s first multinational border and coast guard. In the short term, FRONTEX
will be manned by mean of secondments from member states. France and Germany
should propose a joint contribution to that end. Over the medium term
FRONTEX should be scaled up not only in terms of having its own permanent
staff but also with adequate technical equipment to fulfil this task.

– We also propose the creation of a European ESTA for visa-exempt third country
nationals as a useful instrument to reinforce our borders and security.

– It is our common duty to protect those fleeing from war or political persecution. In
our efforts we strive to allow refugees to find shelter as close to their homeland
as possible.

– Asylum seekers reaching Europe have a right to be treated according to the Geneva
Convention no matter where they reach our shores. To this end we must
further harmonise and simplify our standards and procedures in specific areas.
We shall stand ready to grant EU support for the establishment of efficient asylum
systems where needed. Over the medium term the European Asylum Office
should be transformed into a European Asylum Agency to support this process of
standardisation and host joint databases to prevent the misuse of differences in
standards as well as multiple registrations and discourage secondary movements.
This European Asylum Agency would help reinforce convergence in the
way applications for international protection are assessed, with due regard to the
Dublin basic principles such as the responsibility of the member state of first entry
to deal with an asylum application.

– Solidarity remains a cornerstone of our European project. Citizens expect that
the benefits and burdens of EU membership be evenly shared among member
states. A situation in which the burden of migration is unevenly carried by a limited
number of member states is unsustainable. As a first step, the Dublin system
has to be improved to deal with exceptional circumstances by means of a permanent
and binding mechanism which foresees burden sharing among all member
states. If necessary, Germany and France stand ready to proceed on this
matter with a group of like-minded partners.

– The EU must find a common answer to the rising number of migrants seeking to
enter the EU for economic reasons. The asylum system is a misleading entry
point for them to use. Europe should stay open to what migration and mobility
can contribute to our societies in the fields of the economy, culture and diversity.
We need to work towards a European Immigration Act that clearly states what
the legal options are when it comes to working in Europe, taking into account the
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different states of national labour markets in the EU. At the same time, we have
to improve EU tools and support in the field of return policy, underpinned by EU
funds to finance the deportation of those who entered the EU illegally.

– In our relations with key countries of origin and transit, we will work to reduce
push factors for irregular migration, for example by generating economic and social
opportunities, particularly for young people. We expect constructive cooperation
in crucial fields such as return and readmission, border management and
control and the fight against migrant smuggling. Germany and France have already
held high-level migration dialogues with a number of African states on behalf
of the EU and will extend this dialogue to other countries. Root causes of migration,
such as poverty, lack of security and political instability should also be
addressed by the EU.
Finally, hosting and, in some cases, integrating refugees and migrants poses a challenge
to all European societies that must be dealt with in a spirit of responsibility and
solidarity. Germany and France do not share the same historical experience of immigration
and integration but are committed to learning from each other. Through dialogue,
exchange and cooperation, we intend to foster a more objective debate about
the challenges and opportunities of immigration and integration for our societies. We
hope thus to use the lessons we have learned to benefit other European states that
are confronted with similar challenges.

Fostering growth and completing the Economic and Monetary Union

To this day, our common currency constitutes the most visible and ambitious undertaking
of European unification. The euro has helped protect its member states from
international speculation and contributed to building a common economic area. The
euro reflects our commitment to the irreversibility of European integration.

However, we must admit that the crisis and its aftermath have shown up deficiencies
that make citizens question whether the common currency delivers on its promises
and even casts doubt on the sustainability of the project itself. We therefore intend to
proceed on three fronts simultaneously: strengthening economic convergence, enhancing
social justice and democratic accountability and improving shock resistance
to safeguard the irreversibility of the euro. France and Germany have always seen it
as their major responsibility to build a robust Eurozone able to assert its model in a
more and more competitive world.

We believe we urgently need to revive this spirit to carry the debate forward. And it is
the responsibility of our two countries to bilaterally proceed beyond that. We have to
acknowledge that the requirements of membership and the fiscal implications stemming
from the common currency have been higher than one could have expected
when the euro was founded. We must therefore respect the wish of others to decide
on their own when to join the euro.
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– To overcome the crisis, the euro area has to enter into a renewed phase of economic
convergence. To this end, France and Germany will shoulder the main responsibility
of organising a process of economic convergence and political governance
which balances obligations and solidarity to accompany the process.
Surplus and deficit countries will have to move, as a one-sided alignment is politically
unfeasible.

– Growth potential has been severely hampered by the crisis. Europe urgently
needs to unlock the untapped potential inherent in the completion of the single
market in specific sectors of strategic interest. France and Germany remain
committed to bilateral initiatives to rapidly harmonise regulation and oversight as
well as corporate tax schemes. To unlock growth and to increase the productivity
of the European economy, a renewed effort for more investment, both private
and public, is necessary. France and Germany reiterate their commitment to
structural reforms to attract international investment and to further enhance the
competiveness of their economies.

– In that respect, specific initiatives should be taken in order to foster growth and
convergence between member states in strategic sectors such as energy, the
digital sector, research and innovation or professional training. In the short term,
common targets could be set, linked to regulatory objectives and investment
means based on the amplification of the European Fund for Strategic Investment.
Over the medium term, those strategic sectors should evolve towards a common
regulatory framework and even a shared supervisory authority, and benefit from
a structured European investment capability to foster convergence through
cross-border investment. Bilateral initiatives by Germany and France should be
undertaken within that framework.

– The current architecture of the euro is not sufficiently resilient to external shocks
or internal imbalances. Leaving the EMU incomplete jeopardises the survival of
our common currency in the long term. Completing the EMU will involve the continuous
intensification of political governance as well as fiscal burden sharing. In
light of existing imbalances a deepening of the EMU will not come as a big bang
but as the result of a pragmatic and gradual evolution taking into account the
necessary results in terms of growth and employment. These results are indispensable
to reinforce confidence in the European Union among member states
and citizens and create the appropriate political conditions for new steps of integration
towards completing the EMU.

– We should acknowledge that EMU member states share different traditions of
economic policy making, which have to be balanced out for the euro to function
properly. A future architecture of the euro will neither be solely rules based nor
prone to mere political decision making nor will it be steered exclusively by market
forces. Every step in deepening the EMU will encompass all of these aspects.

– Since economic policy-making in the EMU is increasingly a domain of shared
decisions, citizens rightly expect to regain control via supranational institutions
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accountable to them. In the short term a full time president of the Eurogroup
should be accountable to a Eurozone subcommittee in the European Parliament.
In the longer term, the Eurogroup and its president should be accountable to a
parliamentary body comprising members of the European Parliament with the
participation of members of national parliaments. This chamber should have full
authority on any matters regarding fiscal and macroeconomic oversight.

– In this context we should develop the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) into
a fully-fledged European Monetary Fund subject to parliamentary control.

– A fiscal capacity – a common feature of any successful monetary union around
the globe – remains a missing keystone in the EMU architecture. In the long run
it should provide macroeconomic stabilisation at the eurozone level while avoiding
permanent unidirectional transfers. Whereas these capabilities should be built
up over time and in line with progress on common decision making regarding fiscal
and economic policy, it should start by 2018 at the latest to support investment
in the member states most severely hit by the crisis. Germany and France
should form a group prepared to lead on this matter.

– Public support for the euro is undermined by a lack of progress on its social dimension
and fair taxation among its member states. Hence, as a general principle,
any step to further deepen the EMU should be accompanied by progress in
the field of common taxation, in particular with regard to transnational corporations,
as well as the development of a social union underpinned by common social
minimum standards.

Thread One: the Islamic State

Unannounced President Donald Trump has approved efforts against the Islamic State which include more troops and the removal of restraints on commanders.  Besides Iraq Syria, a sustained attack is underway against extremists in Yemen.

The United States is continuing with several days of heavy aerial bombardment of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) in what is being billed as an extended operation to eradicate the organization and the Islamic State from Yemen.  Nearly 4,000 Marine’s and special forces are waiting off shore.  Trump has also quietly approved the unannounced deployment of troops and special forces for action in Iraq, Syria, and North Africa.  

The move in Yemen first, was to be expected due to the need to secure the Red Sea shipping lane.    

A substantial American army is also being deployed to staging areas in Kuwait.  2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division’s 2nd Brigade Combat Team are the first to arrive and are to be followed by many others including about 3,800 soldiers from the 3rd Armored Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Division, stationed at Fort Hood, Texas, which will deploy to Kuwait in support of combatant command mission requirements, according to an Army press release.  

This force will be in position to move into Iraq / Syria or to defend Kuwait or even enter Khuzestan – the oil producing region of Iran – if open hostilities break out with Iran.

 

Thread Two Israel: Hamas and Hezbollah

The present coalition government in Israel is expected to fall and a new election called.

The far right extremists expect to win again but after a very costly and bloody existential war the electorate will more likely be inclined towards a more peace oriented government. 

Hamas announces a new policy, from now on they will retaliate for each Israeli attack on them. Israel routinely attacks Hamas for the activities of other organizations which Hamas has been valiantly trying to prevent.   

As Israel prepares for war on Gaza and Hezbollah;  Hezbollah released a target list which includes the Haifa Ammonia plant and Israeli nuclear sites.

Nuclear locations on the list included the nuclear reactors at Dimona in southern Israel and Nahal Soreq on the Mediterranean coast.  

Three secret locations for the production, assembly and storage of nuclear missiles and warheads. Kfar Zacharia near Beit Shemesh in the Jerusalem Hills, defined as the main depot for the Jericho Series I, II and III, of three-stage ballistic missiles, which can reach ranges of up to 6,000 km (3,600 miles), a factory in Beer Yaakov near the central Israeli town of Ramleh, the alleged production site for nuclear warheads; and the “Galilee Wing-20” plant at the Tefen Industrial Park, 17 km from the town of Carmiel, a facility where the Rafael Advanced Defense System Authority was said to mount nuclear warheads on ballistic missiles and prepare them for launching.

The video stresses that Hezbollah now possesses precise missiles able to pinpoint and destroy every single facility [if the missiles get through the defenses].  Just two weeks ago, Nasrallah “advised” Israel that its large ammonia tank in Haifa and the nuclear reactor in Dimona would be targeted if Israel launches any further attacks on the organization.  

Israel is now desperately draining the huge ammonia facility in Haifa to be completed by end March and moving  its nuclear materials.  

Hamas has warned Israel that they will respond to any further Israeli attacks and Hezbollah has also warned Israel that they will respond to any further Israeli attacks on it.

A major Middle East war has been planned and prepared for over the past decade, and can now be ignited at any time.  

Any Israeli war on Gaza / Hezbollah is expected to include Syria and Iran, with Israel demolishing the Gaza militants and Hezbollah and the remains of the Syrian military, thus allowing the US backed rebels to take over that country.

Also expected is a massive American Coalition aerial bombardment of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards bringing regime change to Iran.  

The Scriptures say that a peace agreement will be achieved ( 1 Thess 5:3, Dan 8:25) and to achieve a peace would require serious changes in the regional realities;  Those changes are now lining up for this year.

 

Thread Three: Europe

The European Union is in crisis and a team of officials has put together five different plans to save the project.  They will be meeting with the pope on March 24 for his advice.  Then the five plans will be presented to the EU leaders along with the papal recommendations, for their deliberations and a final selection of the new EU direction in December.

The scenarios are:

 1.  Carrying On as Before

The EU27 focuses on delivering its existing reform agenda.

The unity of the EU at 27 is preserved, but may be tested by major events.

2.  Nothing but the Single Market

The EU27 cannot agree to do more in many policy areas beyond key aspects of the single market.

Decision-making may be simpler to understand.

Citizens’ rights guaranteed under EU law may become restricted over time.

3.  Those Who Want More Do More

Sometimes called the multi-speed Europe: allows some countries to move ahead with greater integration while others hold back.

The EU27 proceeds as today but allows willing member States to do more together in specific areas.

The unity of the EU at 27 is preserved while progress is made possible for those who want more.

The gap between expectation and delivery closes in countries who want and choose to do more.

Questions arise about the transparency and accountability of the different layers of decision-making.

Citizens’ rights guaranteed under EU law vary depending on where people live.

4.  Doing Less More Efficiently

The EU27 focuses on delivering more and faster in selected policy areas not acting in where it is perceived not to have an added value.

European citizens feel that the EU is only acting where it has real added value.

A clearer focus of resources and attention on a number of selected domains helps the EU27 to act faster.

But what are the priority areas, and who decides?

5.  Doing Much More Together

Closer integration among the 27, but would require significant treaty change.

Member States decide to do much more together across all policy areas.

There is far greater and quicker decision-making at EU level.

Parts of society which feel that the EU lacks legitimacy or has taken too much power away from national authorities risk being alienated.

European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said: “As we mark the 60th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome, it is time for a united Europe of 27 to shape a vision for its future. It’s time for leadership, unity and common resolve.

“The Commission’s White Paper presents a series of different paths this united EU at 27 could chose to follow. It is the start of the process, not the end, and I hope that now an honest and wide-ranging debate will take place”.

The European Commission plans to publish a series of discussion papers during the year on specific issues:

  • developing the social dimension of Europe.
  • deepening the Economic and Monetary Union on the basis of the Five Presidents’ Report of June 2015.
  •  harnessing globalisation.
  •  the future of Europe’s defence.
  •  the future of EU finances.

The obvious choice is to keep the EU as a trade organization and to set up a new entity of those wanting further political unity, which would be built around Germany and France if this year’s elections go as expected.

In Germany the SPD [the Catholic controlled Social Democratic Party], has gained strength since nominating former European Parliament President Martin Schulz as its candidate and now leads in the polls with 32 percent while Merkel’s conservative bloc is at 31 percent and falling.  As Merkel collapses in the polls, Martin Schulz  a strong Roman Catholic educated man with ties to France may well become the next Chancellor of Germany.  Schulz is like minded with Emmanuel Macron who is favored to win the French presidency this spring.  

If elected these two leaders would form the core of a rising New Federal Europe built up with papal approval.  

A Summit in December this year is to select and approve one of the plans, and work is then to begin on the project.  The core of the New Europe is likely to be the G-6 (Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Poland).

German Foreign Policy . Com

2017/03/06
BERLIN/PARIS
(Own report) – With today’s special summit of four heads of state, Berlin is preparing the EU’s transformation in response to the Brexit. The German chancellor will meet in Versailles this afternoon with France’s president and the prime ministers of Italy and Spain. Selected southern EU members have been included in alleged leadership meetings with the German chancellor to prevent a southern European bloc from emerging, which could possibly, in the future, put an end to German austerity dictates. With Great Britain’s exit, the neo-liberal oriented EU countries are loosing the necessary quorum for a veto in EU bodies. Berlin could also encounter problems with the Eastern European “Visegrád Group,” which does not want to support the emergence of a powerful integrated core around a German hub, because it would consolidate a two or even three-class EU. Reinforcement of the EU’s anti-refugee border-management and particularly its resolute militarization are emerging as the common denominators for the Union’s transformation.
In Small Circles
Over the years, the German government has organized EU consultations in small circles, sometimes even in bilateral talks. German-French meetings have become legendary. Here preliminary decisions on key issues have frequently been made – most recently during the Euro crisis. The “German-French couple” was usually benevolently described as the EU’s indispensable engine; however the consultations between Bonn/Berlin and Paris have, in fact, resulted in a disempowerment of the smaller member countries. In 2003, in view of the EU’s eastward expansion that would complicate power relations, the German-French meetings had been supplemented with the “G5,” regular meetings of the five major EU countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy, Spain). With Poland joining in 2006, the “G5” became the “G6,” with the focus remaining on domestic repression and anti-refugee border-management.[1] Berlin occasionally resorted to the “Weimar Triangle” format (Germany, France, Poland), if politically opportune. Allegedly Poland was to become more involved in important EU decisions within the framework of “European reconciliation.” In reality, however, Warsaw was given an assumed exclusive position to prevent possible resistance to German policy plans.
Misunderstood
Last summer, Chancellor Angela Merkel had already begun applying measures to break up any possible southern European bloc of countries. August 27 – just four days after the British Exit Referendum – she met with French President François Hollande and Italy’s Prime Minister, at the time, Matteo Renzi, for the first time, in a trilateral summit. This trilateral summit has been repeated several times.[2] In autumn, the real reason was to support Renzi in winning a constitutional referendum, scheduled for December 4. The project failed; Renzi was defeated. However, it appears that the prime minister may have sought to greatly enhance his influence through the trilateral summit. In late November, diplomats in Berlin leaked to the press that they had “the impression that Renzi was under the illusion of making the French-German engine into a trio, with Italy.” “Renzi seems to have misunderstood something.”[3] Possibly Italy’s inclusion into the EU’s new ‘directorate’ may suffice to make its participation in a possible southern European counter-bloc unattractive.
No Counter-Bloc
Today, Monday, Berlin has again broadened its format. In Versailles, Chancellor Merkel and President Holland will consult with Italy’s new Prime Minister, Paolo Gentiloni and Spain’s Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy on the EU’s imminent transformation. The Union’s further development will be discussed, it was announced. The discussion is supposed to transmit “a signal of unity,” according to a government spokesperson.[4] The meeting will particularly prepare Thursday’s European Council meeting, Friday’s heads of state and government leaders’ summit – without the United Kingdom – as well as the 60th Anniversary of the Signing of the Treaty of Rome Summit on March 25. What German diplomats back in November, had leaked to the press about Italy’s Prime Minister Renzi, should also apply to Spain’s Prime Minister’s actual chances of enhancing his influence. Nevertheless, Spain’s integration is in Berlin’s interests. Without Italy and without Spain, the southern European countries have no chance of politically breaking the grip of the austerity dictate by forming a counter-bloc of countries.
The Two-Class EU
At the moment, Berlin is having more problems with the “Visegrád countries” – Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. Since they signed their cooperation agreement (February 15, 1991) in the northern Hungarian city of Visegrád, they have been consistently working together.[5] For a long time, this format had not been taken very seriously, especially because Germany has repeatedly managed to forge strong exclusive ties with Poland – for example within the framework of the Weimar Triangle. Recently, these four countries have intensified their cooperation. Among other things, they have joined forces to ward off migration and consequently refuse to accept refugees. Following last Thursday’s summit in Warsaw, the Visegrád countries presented their positions on reforming the EU. According to these, they do not want to support the rise of a powerful core of integration around a German hub within the emerging “multi-speed EU” that Berlin is promoting,[6] because this would help consolidate an EU of two or three classes. We must “pull in one direction” and “pursue a common objective,” it was twittered concerning the contents of the Warsaw position paper. There could be common objectives in the common market, for example, or even in warding off refugees and establishing foreign and military policies.

Today’s EU is deeply divided and maintaining the present EU is dependent on Germany breaking up the blocks within the EU, which is unlikely.  Therefore Germany is backing the two speed approach and seeking papal endorsement.

The looming Mideast wars will result in a genuine dialogue for peace in that region, but may bring crises in Europe expediting the formation of the coming New Federal Europe. Regardless of the best of plans, nations must then still decide to give up much sovereignty to join.

Either the present pope will be empowered or a new pope will be set up doing impressive miracles at just the right moment, and he will endorse the creation of a New Federal Europe influencing ten nations to join the new system.

Revelation 13:13 And he doeth great wonders, so that he maketh fire come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of men,

13:14 And deceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the means of those miracles which he had power to do in the sight of the beast [the one who is to be the leader] ; saying to them that dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast [replica of the Babylonian Holy Roman Empire System], which had the wound by a sword [the Mussolini Vatican Concordat was destroyed by war and that church state system will be revived in a United Federal Europe the heir of Babylon the Great of Daniel 2], and did live.

13:15 And he had power to give life unto the image of the beast [this pope will by his miracles to revive this political system], that the image [likeness, revival of the Babylonian Holy Roman Empire System] of the beast should both speak [rule], and cause that as many as would not worship the image [those who will not accept the authority of this new Federal Europe System will suffer for a time] of the beast should be killed.

The Scriptures tell us that it will take the endorsement of a pope who will impress people with miracles, to bring the New Federal Europe about, and ten nations will agree to give much of their authority – especially over foreign and military affairs – to a central ruler, forming a system somewhat like the United States or the Holy Roman Empire. 

Revelation 17:12 And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings [rulers], which have received no kingdom as yet; but receive power as kings one hour with the beast.

17:13 These have one mind, and shall give their power and strength unto the beast [one central leader, the eleventh ruler; somewhat like fifty American governors give much authority to the federal government in the United States].

17:14 These shall make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them: for he is Lord of lords, and King of kings: and they that are with him are called, and chosen, and faithful. 

This miracle working pope will present himself as a great man of peace and the ultimate moral authority of all people regardless of their individual religious traditions. In fact he will reject living by the Word of God to  stand on the traditions of men in rebellion against God [for example changing God’s Friday sunset to Saturday sunset Sabbath; to Sunday].  

Professing Christians, mainstream Muslims and even mainstream Jews will accept him as a profoundly influential moral authority despite differences in religious doctrine.

About 75 days after he is set up doing miracles  – during which time the New Europe will be agreed by ten nations – this pope will visit the Temple Mount in Jerusalem where the far right Jewish extremists will demonstrate against the peace deal; sabotaging the peace.  At that point God will withdraw his protection because of our many sins, and the surrounding nations – incensed at the collapse of the peace – will flood into Jerusalem and Judea.  

Then the New Europe, in the name of mercy and peace; will enter Palestine to stop the bloodbath.  More in Part 2

 

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